The Kingitanga hui and what it means for NZ

Well, I never would have picked it, but I’m glad to see it: Kingi Tuheitia is fulfilling the promise of the Kingitanga. That promise is the promise of unity.

Over 1000 Maori responded to the Kingitanga’s call for a national hui on water rights. Attendees included the Iwi Leaders Group, the Maori Council, the Federation of Maori Authorities, representatives from all major iwi (both post and pre-settlement iwi), hapu representatives, the Maori Women’s Welfare League and religious representatives.


What did the hui decided?

The hui passed several resolutions including a directive for all iwi to withhold from negotiating with the government only or until the government negotiate for a national solution. The King, Tumu Te Heu Heu, Eddie Durie and others will select the negotiation team. If that fails there is an obligation on iwi and those Maori groups in attendance, including the Iwi Leaders Group, to fall behind and support the Maori Council in litigation.

Speaker after speaker clearly articulated one thing: Maori always have had and retain rights and interests in water. However, there was no consensus on whether or not those rights amounted to ownership. Sir Tumu Te Heu Heu and Mark Solomon, the most powerful iwi leaders, refused to endorse the view that Maori own water. Sir Eddie Durie, Moana Jackson and others endorsed the view, implicitly and explicitly, that Maori own water. Although there was no outright consensus on ownership, opinion was heavily weighted towards holding that Maori do own water.


What does this mean for Maori water rights?

The government is cornered. Maori have explicitly rejected the iwi by iwi approach.

Maori can now take a united position to the government and challenge them to accept, negotiate or rebut. The tables have turned and, I would argue at least, Maori hold the dominant bargaining position. After all, Maori have leverage. We can invite the government to negotiate, and if they refuse, we take our fall-back position – Court action. While the issue is before the Courts an injunction would operate preventing the sale of any assets until the issue is resolved. An injunction, in contrast to negotiation, would spell the death of asset sales.

Of course, negotiation does not mean Maori will get all that the hui had hoped for. Ownership is anathema to non-Maori New Zealanders, and even some Maori, and would be a bridge too far in negotiations. If Maori push ownership, that will force the government to play their trump card – legislation. The Iwi Leaders Group know this, hence their emphasis on rights (e.g. allocations rights) and interests (e.g. kaitiaki/guardianship interests).

Assuming negotiation goes ahead, we are in a strong position to push for the creation of a national framework for recognising Maori rights and interests in water and compensating for the use and/or breach of those rights. The key, and what deft negotiators like Tamati Kruger will tell you, is not to push Pakeha patience too far. 

So, in effect, we will achieve clarity over our rights in one of three ways. 1) through negotiation 2) through the Courts or 3) through legislation. 

The first option gives Maori the most room to achieve resolution. The second option favours the Maori position, but the Courts rule on narrow legal issues. Considering the aim is for the broad recognition of Maori rights, the Courts and a legalistic approach appears unsuitable. The third option will destroy our rights, in other words the government will legislate over any rights we have. This is the worst outcome - obviously.


How will the government respond?

Again, the government is cornered. They can stand by the iwi by iwi approach, but that is an open invite for Court action. The government’s chances of winning are now less than even. Legislation is an option, but that is messy. Maori are united on this issue and will respond violently (figuratively speaking) to any legislation. Fool me once, shame on me (the Foreshore and Seabed Act), fool me twice, shame on you (the MCA Act), fool me three times, you are a dead man (figuratively speaking and in reference to water rights legislation).

Negotiation is the cleanest option and, like I discussed in a previous post, it is in the Prime Minister’s nature. He is a deal-maker.

Negotiation will shut down Maori opposition. If progress is made and seen to be made Maori can be co-opted on this issue.

The government has shown a remarkable lack of foresight. They had the chance to co-opt iwi when they first floated the idea of asset sales. Mark Solomon met with the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister early in the government’s first term. The three discussed asset sales, what it would mean for Maori and how Maori would be involved. Obviously, the talks came to nothing. The Prime Minister has continually ruled out any preferential treatment for iwi. In light of recent events, this was incredibly stupid and short-sighted move.

Considering all of the options, I think the government will take their chances in a fight. Their legitimacy as a government that can govern is at stake. And, of course, New Zealanders will unite against the Maoris and their pesky rights and demands.


What will be the end result?

Too hard to call. I hope for negotiation. Although I believe Maori ownership was never extinguished, the best move is for our people to compromise and settle for the recognition of certain rights and interests. It would stupid to push the government too far. After all, Treaty partners compromise – and that cuts both ways. I do not want to see race relations “set back 100 years”. And that will be the result if Maori hold a gun to the government’s head (figuratively speaking).